ROBERTO GIUSTI
EL UNIVERSAL

The pace his belly grows and the rate the size of his 300-dollar-shirt changes, along with his increasing archbishop's jowl, are concomitant to the progress made to grasp total power.
 
The thicker he is, the more ambitious he becomes. At the end of the day, all the desires are intermingled. Not even the times of election campaign can curb a thrust condensed in three key announcements made during his recent speech in Bolivar Avenue, Caracas. They are: ratification of an amendment to the Constitution for indefinite re-election; expropriation, that is, seizure, of a sugar mill and La Ceiba port, and unified political forces of the regime in one single party.

Patriots kill each other
Apparent reasons about the need to create one single political party seem imperative and are a reply to the strife striking Chavezism. Clashes inside ruling MVR party; being at odds with allies; bitter fights for positions between those who are in and those unable to climb the ladder and take hold of the budget, instead of ideological issues, create an adverse atmosphere, both to implement the government policies and the campaign.

Chávez tries to reestablish order, submit troublemakers and make opposing sides compete for votes. Following screening, the most faithful and efficient will be the ones who will lead the new single party. Making this call during a political rally shows the depth and extent of confrontations that damage the candidate's performance and development of a rather grey campaign.

Further, the announcement tries to convey the feeling that victory is unavoidable. Therefore, the "driver of the Republic," as he styles himself, is getting ready for the next stage in the revolutionary process.

Hens in a predicament
The reaction of fellow political parties is noteworthy. For instance, PPT, despite absolute support to the caudillo, tried to stamp its foot and claimed that a single political party "cannot be ruled." Of course, it can be ruled; provided that Chávez rules it. Thus far, he has been the only leader able to get votes, not only for himself, but for all governors, mayors and deputies who thrive because of him.

There are exceptions, such as Lina Ron. She has her own political space and has voiced her annoyance at the President's order. In her remarks, she fails to hide disgust at upstarts, opportunists and corrupts.

In a henhouse where one rooster only is the boss, there is no hen that can resist. In the event of winning the election, Chávez will get, like now, everything he wants. This is the case for one single party. From such a platform, he will make, based on his purposes, every movement, including an amendment to the Constitution, to secure his plan for total dominance.

I am the party
This is the true nature of his blueprint. The single party is not, as it could be inferred initially, reunification of all Chavezism forces within a multi-party or bipartisan system.

The ultimate goal is closing all political, including pro-government, spaces, and implement a totalitarian system similar to the systems prevailing in the second and third decades of the past century in Russia, Italy and Germany, and most recently, in the Soviet Cuba of Fidel Castro.

Obviously, official speakers have hurried to deny the hunch with soothing reasoning. However, this just confirms the fears based on very accurate, actual data as people are feeling already the totalitarian symptoms.

Counting all the signs that show our way at full speed with the "driver of the Republic" is burdensome. In addition to one single party, the following can be listed: indefinite president's re-election, overtaking of presumably autonomous powers, continued violation of private property, change of the concept of armed forces and continued meddling into social issues, such as the type of education. In democracy, for instance, education is supposed to be the strict competence of families and parents.

Historically, the existence of one single party, in this case, the Communist Party, was set forth neither in the four Soviet Constitutions (1918, 1924, 1936 and 1977), nor the 1977 Cuban Constitution. However, almost all of them note the party's role as "the society's vanguard," its condition as the core of the political system and its nature of "superior leading force."

Perhaps something similar will occur in Venezuela. The Government could resort to the "imperialist threat" to substantiate the concentration of power in a standing president and one single party. This has been the strategy of the Cuban regime. In 2002, Marta Harnecker noted one of its assumptions. "Allowing for the organization in Cuba of other political parties at this time, when correlation of global forces runs counter to socialism, would mean to accept in the national territory a political beachhead. All the political propaganda and the resources of the counter-revolution based in Miami and the US Government could enter this way."

Translated by Conchita Delgado